The first chapter examines the views and perspectives black conservatives share across
the spectrum, and how they differ with their liberal counterparts. It is a comprehensive survey, in telescopic form, of almost
all the subjects on which black conservatives have kindled the ire among their brethren across black America; issues which
have also served as a lightning rod among many black voters, resulting in overwhelming support of Democratic candidates against
their Republican opponents. The issues include affirmative action, self-reliance, welfare, and racism, among others.
Yet, despite the unanimity among black conservatives on those issues, there are significant
differences among them on some fundamental subjects which constitute the core of the conservative philosophy. This chapter
addresses this contentious subject which also raises the question: What is really a black conservative? And it attempts to
answer the question whose focus on the nature of black conservatives is further addressed in the second chapter, but not exclusively
The second chapter examines the relationship between the Republican party and black
America, and its policies towards racial minorities especially blacks. This relationship has been profoundly affected by what
many blacks consider to be indifference towards their plight and well-being in a white-dominated society which still remains
racist; and sometimes outright hostility towards them by a party that is seen as a bastion of white supremacy, defending and
promoting white interests at the expense of blacks more than anybody else. The chapter also is an examination of what black
United States Supreme Court Justice Clarence Thomas calls "the loneliness of the black conservative."
Black conservatives are members of a party that doesn't care about blacks, and which
doesn't even want them as members despite professions to the contrary by its leaders. They are also rejected and even despised
by their own people in the black community who see them as traitors and puppets for whites. And their membership in a party
that is known for its opposition to civil rights and affirmative action has not helped their cause; earning them the unenviable
distinction as "black Judas." As NAACP President Kweisi Mfume stated at the organization's annual convention in Philadelphia,
Pennsylvania, on July 12, 2004, as reported by The Washington Times, black conservative groups are nothing but mouthpieces
of the ultra-conservative movement formed and funded by white Republicans to attack and destroy blacks. As he put it:
"When the ultraconservative right-wing attacker has run out of attack strategy, he goes
and gets someone that looks like you and me to continue the attacks. And like the ventriloquist's dummies, they sit there
in the puppet master's voice, but we can see whose lips are moving, and we can hear his money talk....They can't deal with
the leaders we choose for ourselves, so they manufacture, promote and hire new ones....(Our enemies tell them that) we are
whining, that we are too liberal, that we are using the scapegoat of victimization and that we are even unpatriotic....They
want to do away with many of our rights and much of the legacy of the NAACP....But those days are over and we aren't going
back, so run your little right-wing media. Put a whisper here and an innuendo there. It won't work."
Such is the incendiary nature of the black conservative phenomenon across Black America,
drawing furious responses from many blacks including those who are not even ideologically inclined towards the Democratic
party but who know what it means to be black in a predominantly white society. And it has sometimes even led to intemperate
remarks among some blacks. But the significance of such remarks can only be understood when you put them in their proper context;
instead of dismissing them as emotional outbursts which amount to nothing. The answer lies in history and contemporary treatment
of black Americans at the hands of the white majority who remain essentially racist.
The third chapter takes a look at a broad spectrum of perspectives on the black conservative
phenomenon, within and outside the Republican party and the conservative movement, including individuals who have undergone
ideological conversion but not necessarily by becoming liberals. It is also an examination of the other, or darker, side of
the Republican party, as a haven for white supremacists, despite professions to the contrary.
The fourth chapter is a critical analysis of the position articulated by some black
conservatives who contend that the criminal justice system favors blacks; and that whites who are victimized by blacks are
ignored by the media, while blacks who are victims of crime committed by whites get media attention sometimes out of proportion
to the crimes perpetrated against them. They cite the O.J. Simpson case as a typical example of this; the kind of attitude
they claim has poisoned race relations and which has even led many whites to ignore crimes, including church bombings in the
1990s by white racists, committed against blacks.
The chapter also looks at the history of racism against blacks in the United States,
and of the crimes committed against them, to refute this argument. It is also an examination of racism against blacks in the
judicial system, and of what many blacks consider to be the callous indifference of black conservatives towards black victims
of racism and their denial of racism as a serious problem not only in the dispensation of justice but in all areas of the
American society, including the intellectual arena about which we learn more in the next chapter.
Are blacks less intelligent than whites and members of other races? Are there genetic
differences among the races which account for the difference in intelligence especially between blacks and whites as well
as members of other races who are also considered to be more intelligent than black people? These are some of the highly explosive
issues examined in chapter five, and of the position taken by a number of leading conservatives, black and white, who contend
that "there is something there," as Thomas Sowell put it, which explains the difference in IQ between blacks and whites as
well as members of other races; an oblique reference to genetic differences as the determining factor and which some conservatives,
unlike Sowell, have clearly cited as the main - if not the only - explanation for the difference in intelligence among the
The chapter also is an in-depth analysis and critique of The Bell Curve, a monumental
study by two prominent white conservatives and scholars in which they contend that blacks are indeed less intelligent than
whites and members of other races because of genetic differences; an incendiary thesis that continues to fuel debate as much
as it did when the book was first published in March 1994 and became an instant best seller among whites, many of whom obviously
felt they had been vindicated in their belief that they are indeed more intelligent than blacks; while rubbing their hands
with satsifaction, gleefully saying, "See? I told you so!"
Probably the biggest criticism against black conservatives by other blacks is that they
ignore racism as a serious problem in the American society. Some black conservatives dismiss racism outright as immaterial
in the lives of black people. As Larry Elder bluntly put it: "Race relations are excellent. We all get along just fine."
Is racism no longer a serious problem in in the American society? Are race relations
really that good, so good that racism no longer plays a major role in the lives of black people as many black conservatives
contend? Chapter six, which is the last chapter, attempts to answer those questions and many others, and concludes this work
by saying that black conservatives are dead wrong. Racism is an enduring phenomenon in the American society and its virulence
through the centuries since the founding of America has been a fundamental reality of life across the spectrum. And that will
continue to be the case for a long time to come. As Professor Nathan Glazer states in his book We Are All Multiculturalists
Now, the fundamental problem "is the refusal of other Americans to accept blacks."12